Prince Charles Denies IRA Membership – Washington Post

Here, courtesy of Gawker, is one claim about never having been in the IRA that is really believable (hat tip to SB):


Go Figure Sinn Fein!

As Gerry Adams was shaking hands with Prince Charles in Galway, in Belfast members of the Ballymurphy Massacre Families, who are campaigning for the truth about the killing by Paratroopers in 1972 of their loved ones, protested Charles’ trip to Ireland at a demo in downtown Belfast.

Prince Charles is the Colonel-in-Chief of the Parachute regiment.

In the centre of the group, as can be seen in the photograph below, is Paul Maskey, MP for West Belfast, the seat once held by Gerry Adams, and a prominent member of the Sinn Fein leadership cadre.

So, while one Sinn Fein luminary shook the hand of the Prince of Wales and welcomed him to Ireland, another Sinn Fein luminary protested his presence in Ireland.

I think it would be difficult to find a clearer demonstration of Sinn Fein’s approach to politics.

Ballymurphy Protest Millfield

Paul Maskey, wearing glasses, is fourth from right

Gerry Adams And Charles Windsor: A Photo Caption Contest

Great photo of Gerry Adams and Prince Charles about to shake hands by Brian Lawless of PA.

2000A free lifetime subscription to to the reader who composes the best bubble captions capturing the thoughts going through the heads of the two men as they are about to meet.

Martin McGuinness And Mountbatten

I see the Irish media is now speculating that Martin McGuinness will join Gerry Adams when he meets Prince Charles in Galway at a private encounter some time tomorrow.

How many, I wonder, of our esteemed television and newspaper correspondents will remind their viewers and readers that in August 1979, when Charles’ ‘Uncle Dickie’ was sent to his maker by an IRA bomb, that the man who gave the final order to kill him, the then Chief of Staff of the IRA, was none other than Martin McGuinness.

How much, dear reader, would you pay to be a fly on the wall at that gathering in Galway tomorrow?

Why Gerry Adams Should Give Prince Charles A Big Thank-You Hug!

As I write this, the jungle telegraph from Ireland is signalling that Gerry Adams might shake the hand of Prince Charles, heir to the British throne, at some point during his controversial visit to Ireland, which begins tomorrow (Tuesday).

Should that happen he really ought to consider adding a thank-you hug, for reasons I will explain below.


Prince Charles with ‘Uncle Dickie’, Lord Louis Mountbatten

The high point of the Prince’s visit will, of course, be his trip to Mullaghmore in Co Sligo where Lord Louis Mountbatten, the Queen’s cousin but known to Charles as ‘Uncle Dickie’, was blown to pieces by an IRA ‘line of sight’ radio-controlled bomb hidden on his holiday boat on August 27th, 1979.

Some hours later on the other side of Ireland, at a place called Narrow Water not far from Warrenpoint on the shores of Carlingford Lough, eighteen British soldiers, many of them members of the Parachute Regiment of which Prince Charles, as Gerry Adams reminded us recently, is Colonel-in-Chief, were blown to pieces in a double explosion.

The remains of the Commanding Officer of the Queens Own Highlanders, Lt Col David Blair, who flew in a helicopter with his soldiers to rescue the ambushed Paras, were never recovered. His body is believed to have been vaporised in the blast. A member of special RUC undercover unit tasked with collecting the remains of the dead told me in an interview that he found a hand embedded in a nearby tree by its fingernails.

The scene of the Warrenpoint ambush

The scene of the Warrenpoint ambush

It was, arguably, the most traumatic and violent day experienced by the British state during the Troubles and it immediately pitched the North into a security and political crisis, the first of many for the newly elected British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.

But, for the recently installed new leadership of the IRA and especially their leader and strategy guru, Gerry Adams, the two strikes that day meant that it was an occasion for celebration and not just for the obvious reasons.

The events that day served to vindicate completely their toppling of the previous leadership, often simplistically identified with Ruairi O Bradaigh and Daithi O Connail, the 1975 ceasefire and the near-defeat then experienced by the IRA, and validated the military changes, and by extension the political re-orientation introduced by what would soon be known as ‘the Adams’ leadership’. The symbol of these changes was the introduction of a cellular system into IRA structures, although it was far more complicated than that.

Gerry Adams, circa 1979

Gerry Adams, circa 1979

However the real significance of that bloody day in August 1979 was that it transformed Adams and all his allies into an untouchable leadership which, in the eyes of the Provo grassroots, could do no wrong. They had said the old leadership had been disastrously wrong, that they had the ideas to revive the IRA and the deaths of Mountbatten and the 18 British soldiers at Warrenpoint proved them right.


Now I have come to believe that this narrative is in many important ways flawed and simplistic – but that is a subject for another day. But there is no doubt that the consequence of that day was that as far as the grassroots was concerned, from thereon the Adams’ leadership could do no wrong.

Now is it possible that even without Mountbatten and Warrenpoint, Adams and his allies could have pushed the Provos down the road of electoral politics and from there ultimately into the peace process. But I don’t think there is any doubt that the assassination of Lord Mountbatten made it all a whole lot easier.

Mounbatten on his boat with friends on a happier day

Mounbatten on his boat with friends on a happier day

That’s why if, or when, Gerry Adams shakes hands with Prince Charles he might consider also giving him a hug of gratitude, for having an ‘Uncle Dickie’ that the IRA could dispatch to eternity.

Without him, Gerry Adams might not now be where he is.

This is what I wrote about the assassination of Mountbatten and Warrenpoint in ‘A Secret History of the IRA’, second edition. Enjoy:


Seymour Hersh, The Mainstream US Media And The Killing Of Bin Laden

As any serious observer of the media must know, Seymour Hersh is one of the greatest investigative journalists ever. It has become hackneyed to begin pieces about the 78-year old Hersh by reminding people that his scoops began with the exposing of the My Lai massacre way back in the 1970’s and most recently that he revealed the Abu Ghraib torture scandal. But the truth is that most journalists I know would be proud to boast of just one of those stories in their c.v.

Inbetween there have been scores of other stories broken by Hersh, some that caused political earthquakes, not to mention books revealing, for example, the secrets of Israel’s nuclear weapon programme or the lowdown on Henry Kissinger’s secret role in the Nixon White House. And if you want to know the real, dirty story of the Kennedy presidency read ‘The Dark Side of Camelot.

Seymour Hersh defends his story on CNN

Seymour Hersh defends his story on CNN

Last week, the London Review of Books published a 10,000 word story by Hersh alleging that the version of Osama Bin Laden’s killing by US Special Forces circulated by the US government was a bunch of hooey.

The Obama White House version credits canny sleuthing by the CIA which tracked Bin Laden via his couriers, while the Navy Seals pulled off a near perfect operation that culminated in Bin Laden’s death and the capture of a treasure trove of Al Qaeda documents.

Hersh says that the CIA had  next-to-nothing to do with the operation, that Bin Laden was effectively a prisoner of the Pakistani intelligence service, the ISI and his secret hideaway in Abbottabad was given away by a senior Pakistani army officer who netted in excess of $20 million in reward money.

The killing was then carried out in a joint US-Pakistani operation. There was no trove of Al Qaeda papers and the real reason the photo of Bin Laden’s corpse was never released was that he had been so badly riddled with bullets he was unrecognisable.  You can read the whole story here.

First of all, I thought it very revealing that the London Review of Books had published the story and not an American outlet. Hersh has a contract with The New Yorker, where he broke the Abu Ghraib story, yet it seems that magazine’s editor David Remnick had declined to take his story. (Most, if not all The New Yorker’s writing staff are on short-term contracts, if you can believe that. Welcome to America.)

That reminded me of the time a few years back – actually 2006 – when the LRB published the seminal and powerful article on America’s extraordinarily indulgent policy towards Israel, ‘The Israel Lobby’, by Stephen Walt and John Mearscheimer. The two academics demonstrated beyond peradventure that American foreign policy in the Middle East had effectively been captured by pro-Israeli special interests, and that the Israel lobby in the States had both political parties in their back pocket.

Terrified of being labeled antisemitic, American media outlets ran screaming with their hair on fire when offered Walt and Mearscheimer’s work and the pair had to go to London to get their work in print.

bin laden

Hersh has given no indication that he was forced to take the same route with his Bin Laden piece but to judge from the hostile, almost hysterical reaction from the bulk of the mainstream media here, it would not be surprising if he had.

Almost to a man and woman they have torn Hersh’s story to pieces, challenging the quality of his sources and some of the assumptions that underlie his narrative. But in their rush to condemn, it was possible to detect little tell-tale trembles of panic, caused perhaps by a growing fear that Hersh may be right and that official Washington has taken them for one big ride.

So, it was refreshing and encouraging to see evidence beginning to emerge from reputable sources supporting key elements of Hersh’s story. Carlotta Gall in The New York Times Magazine had this piece at the weekend for instance, saying that she recognised key elements in Hersh’s story.

Then Middle East expert and former US Special Services soldier, Robert Baer gave this interview in which he substantially gives credibility to Hersh’s story. It is worth listening to in its entirety.

And pieces have begun to appear taking the mainstream media to task for a) accepting the White House version, contradictions and all, as gospel without reminding themselves that I F Stone’s famous dictum, “All governments lie”, has never been truer than with recent occupants of the White House. And b) have rushed, like obedient lapdogs, to assault Hersh when in many cases the need to protect and defend their own, possibly flawed coverage may be the major motivation.

Then there was this piece on, illustrating that this is not the first time that the mainstream media have gone for Hersh and been proved embarrassingly wrong.

My favourite though was this article in the Columbia Journalism Review by Trevor Timm, which is worth reproducing in full. Any resemblance to the mainstream media in Ireland is, of course, entirely coincidental. Enjoy:

The media’s reaction to Seymour Hersh’s bin Laden scoop has been disgraceful

By Trevor Timm
Seymour Hersh has done the public a great service by breathing life into questions surrounding the official narrative of the raid that killed Osama bin Laden. Yet instead of trying to build off the details of his story, or to disprove his assertions with additional reporting, journalists have largely attempted to tear down the messenger.

Barrels of ink have been spilled ripping apart Hersh’s character, while barely any follow-up reporting has been done to corroborate or refute his claims—even though there’s no doubt that the Obama administration has repeatedly misinformed and misled the public about the incident. Even less attention has been paid to the little follow-up reporting that we did get, which revealed that the CIA likely lied about its role in finding bin Laden, which it used to justify torture to the public.

Hersh has attempted to force the media to ask questions about its role in covering a world-shaping event—but it’s clear the media has trouble asking such questions if the answers are not the ones they want to hear.

Hersh’s many critics, almost word-for-word, gave the same perfunctory two-sentence nod to his best-known achievements—breaking the My Lai massacre in 1969 (for which he won the Pulitzer) and exposing the Abu Ghraib torture scandal 35 years later—before going on to call him every name in the book: “conspiracy theorist,” “off the rails,” “crank.” Yet most of this criticism, over the thousands of words written about Hersh’s piece in the last week, has amounted to “That doesn’t make sense to me,” or “That’s not what government officials told me before,” or “How are we to believe his anonymous sources?”

While there’s no way to prove or disprove every assertion Hersh makes without re-reporting the whole story, let’s look at the overarching criticisms one by one:

Conspiracy theory

No phrase has been bandied about more than “conspiracy theory” in describing Hersh’s reporting. Critics argue that he’s accusing “hundreds of people across three governments of staging a massive international hoax that has gone on for years.” How could that be possible?

First of all, denigrating a legendary reporter who has broken more major stories than almost anyone alive as a “conspiracy theorist” because his story contained a few details a little too implausible for some people’s taste is beyond insulting. A conspiracy theory in the traditional sense would be something like The US government is covering up the fact that bin Laden is still alive, not accusing the the administration of telling a story about a highly classified matter that differs from the truth—something it does all the time.

But beyond that, it is extraordinarily naive to think the government is incapable of keeping a large secret involving dozens, hundreds, or even thousands of people. I am reminded of this passage from the memoirs of Pentagon Papers whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg, who knows a thing or two about how government secrecy works. Not only is the idea that you can’t keep secrets in Washington“flatly false,” Ellsberg writes, but by repeating it you’re doing the government’s work for them.

[Such sayings] are in fact cover stories, ways of flattering and misleading journalists and their readers, part of the process of keeping secrets well. Of course eventually many secrets do get out that wouldn’t in a fully totalitarian society. But the fact is that the overwhelming majority of secrets do not leak to the American public … The reality unknown to the public and to most members of Congress and the press is that secrets that would be of the greatest import to many of them can be kept from them reliably for decades by the executive branch, even though they are known to thousands of insiders. [emphasis added]
As a simple example, which Hersh himself stated in this fascinating On The Media interview, how many people knew about the Bush administration’s manipulation of intelligence before the Iraq war? Hundreds? Over a thousand? How many knew about the NSA’s mass phone metadata program aimed at Americans until Edward Snowden revealed it? A thousand? Ten thousand? It stayed secret for more than seven years until a single person—a contractor, not an NSA employee—exposed it.

If that doesn’t convince you, read about two other recent agreements about assassinations, one with Pakistan and another with Yemen. Both stayed secret for years without the public knowing. The old adage that “three people can only keep a secret if two are dead” is a fantasy, and journalists should stop mindlessly repeating it.

Anonymous sources

It has been rich watching journalists fall over each other to see who can more vehemently criticize Hersh’s use of anonymous sources, despite the fact that using anonymous sources is a tried-and-true Washington ritual that receives almost no criticism in day-to-day reporting. Banal sound bites are regularly printed on the front pages without names attached, and entire press conferences are held every day with “senior government officials” who refuse to be named. (One of the few mainstream journalists who consistently points this out is Margaret Sullivan, the New York Times’ public editor.)

According to the excellent Twitter account @NYTAnon, the Times published at least 20 stories relying on anonymous sources in the five days after the Hersh story went online Sunday night, on topics ranging from new Facebook featuresto strife among Democrats over the stalled trade agreement to Cablevision dropping its bid for the Daily News. Imagine if reporters aimed a tenth of the criticism at those stories that they aimed at Hersh. Predictably, though, we’ve barely heard a peep.

Indeed, anonymity is sometimes warranted, and the idea that Hersh’s sources were anonymous should not come as a surprise. These are highly classified operations. The Defense Department has openly threatened to prosecute people for talking about the bin Laden raid, even as the CIA leaks its own version of events to friendly reporters and movie producers.

It’s not out of line to criticize Hersh’s sourcing, or to question his informants’ knowledge. Should he have relied on more sources than he did? Possibly. But Hersh has said in multiple interviews that, while the crux of the story came from one person, he confirmed the details with many others. This has been conveniently ignored by his critics.


The venom and vitriol from Hersh’s journalistic colleagues has been especially astonishing given their kid-gloves treatment of one of the main players in Hersh’s story, the CIA.

Most journalists would never dream of confronting CIA officials with the same aggressiveness they now direct at Hersh—even though, less than six months ago, the Senate released a 500-page report documenting in meticulous detail the dozens of times the CIA blatantly lied to the public, the press, and Congressabout torture over the past decade.

Hersh’s assertion, which has by now been at least partially confirmed by multiple news organizations, that bin Laden was found thanks to a “walk-in” tip—rather than by tracking his courier as the government has claimed—should be a major scandal. For years, the CIA has said it found bin Laden thanks to information about his personal courier—information that was obtained by means of torture.

Besides one piece by Huffington Post’s Ali Watkins, the press has barely made a peep about the fact that the CIA’s argument about bin Laden and torture—one that Hollywood made a movie about!—is a lie. Meanwhile, Slate ran five hit jobs on Hersh within 36 hours. Perhaps that’s why Hersh treated their reporter with contempt during this already-legendary interview.

We know that the administration made many assertions about the bin Laden raid in its aftermath that turned out to be false. The purported details, many given to reporters “anonymously,” were downright fantastical—yet reporters dutifully printed them just the same. We also know that the government ordered the photos of bin Laden’s body destroyed—possibly in violation of federal law—and, in an unprecedented move, had all information about the raid transferred to the CIA, where it can’t be accessed through Freedom of Information Act requests. John Kerry told reporters directly to “shut up and move on.” How Hersh himself deserves more scrutiny than these disturbing moves by the government is beyond comprehension.

Largely ignored in this is debate is the opinion of longtime New York TimesAfghanistan and Pakistan correspondent Carlotta Gall, who has more knowledge of the region in one finger than most of Hersh’s critics put together. She wrote in the Times this week that she “would not necessarily dismiss [Hersh’s] claims immediately” and that “he is following up on a story that many of us assembled parts of.” Of his claim that an informant, rather than a courier, led the CIA to bin Laden, Gall wrote that “my own reporting tracks with Hersh’s.”

Then there’s Robert Baer, the highly regarded former CIA officer (and the inspiration for Stephen Gaghan and George Clooney’s Syriana). He refused to criticize Hersh’s story when asked on a podcast and repeatedly insisted that the administration’s story had to be false. Baer, a CNN contributor, was not invited on CNN to say this, of course. Instead CNN had on torture cheerleader Philip Mudd, who proceeded to trash Hersh’s story as “nonsense” while largely avoiding specifics. Politico uncritically quoted CIA spokesman Bill Harlow, one of the agency’s most notorious liars about WMDs in Iraq, as their proof that Hersh was wrong. The author of the Politico piece later admitted to The Intercept that “spokespersons like Harlow are ‘are usually the least informed in the spy world.’ ”

This is not to say all the assertions contained in Hersh’s story are accurate. Some may turn out not to be true; I simply don’t know. But neither do any of Hersh’s critics, because, unfortunately, the flippant blog posts dismissing Hersh out of hand outnumber follow-up reporting on his stories by about 50 to one.

Hersh does not need me or anyone else to defend him—he’s entirely capable of doing that himself, as he has been doing on national television and radio all week, in response to the kind of skeptical questioning that most reporters would never dare to direct at government officials who had lied to their face. “I’ve been around a long time,” Hersh told CNN, “and I understand the consequences of what I’m saying.” It’s a shame others don’t.

All this brings to mind a story from earlier in Hersh’s career, when, as a relatively unknown reporter in Vietnam, he put together the pieces of his My Lai scoop. At first, no one would listen. He tried to sell the story to Life and Look; both turned him down. It ended up going out on a little known wire service known as Dispatch News Service. Twenty of Dispatch’s 50 customers rejected it.

Within months, of course, Hersh’s stories would be on the front page of The New York Times. He soon started reporting on intelligence agencies. In 1974 he broke the story that the CIA was systematically spying on Americans in violation of federal law. The rest of the media ridiculed it. They questioned his sourcing while calling the story “exaggerated” and “overwritten and under-researched.” A year later, CIA director William Colby was forced to admit to Congress that it was all true.

Trevor Timm is the executive director of Freedom of the Press Foundation, a non-profit organization that supports and defends journalism dedicated to transparency and accountability. He is also a twice-weekly columnist for the Guardian, where he writes about privacy, national security, and the media.

Troubled Times Ahead For Sinn Fein?

When a bubble bursts it usually does so with a loud noise and a rapid discharge of gas. But sometimes all you get is a gentle hissing sound, so measured it can be hard to detect.

Sinn Fein’s performance in last week’s British general election probably falls in the latter category. With the exception of the dramatic loss of the iconic Fermanagh and South Tyrone seat – first won by Bobby Sands thirty-four years ago – its vote hissed softly outwards, declining overall by a just single percentage point. Not the end of the world but not good either.

With the exception of West Belfast, where the vote slumped by nearly 17 per cent, most of which went to the left-wing People Before Profit candidate, the losses were tiny in most areas. But the bad news was that the losses were across the board, in fifteen of the eighteen seats.

But for the intervention of Mairtin O Muileoir in South Belfast and the 5,000 or so votes he won, the result would have looked even worse.

So the losses were there, they weren’t catastrophic but they must be worrying for the Sinn Fein hierarchy for this reason. An important part of Sinn Fein’s electoral success, which began back in 1992, has been the image created by one victory after another, an image of an ever upward, ever onward almighty juggernaut gobbling up everyone and everything in its path.

The loss of Bobby Sands’ seat and the poor results elsewhere have dented that image, reminding everyone that what goes up, can also go down. Once a sure favourite to destroy the SDLP, Sinn Fein now finds its advantage over its rivals reduced to a single seat out of seven.

Also damaged by last week’s election results is the myth that the peace process heralded in an age of Nationalist assertiveness and Unionist despondency.

The drop in Nationalist voting encompassed both the SDLP and Sinn Fein, and suggested either apathy or insouciance has infected voters in both parties.

Conversely the  outcome has produced something of a revival in UUP fortunes and bestowed on Unionists at Westminster leverage they have not enjoyed since the early 1990’s. The new Tory government has only an eight-seat majority (five if SF took its seats), meaning that Cameron and his people will need to nurture the goodwill of the eleven Unionist MP’s at Westminster – and that cannot be good for Sinn Fein.

At the same time there are some signs that the economy in the South is beginning to pick up and that is bad news for the Shinners as well. Sinn Fein’s electoral fortunes South of the Border are intimately tied to economic discontent amongst the electorate; voters angry at austerity policies and suffering from the downturn are much more likely to register a protest by giving their votes to Mr Adams and his colleagues. But the more the economy improves, the less likely that is to happen.

So, things are beginning to look a little gloomy for Sinn Fein. It’s all about timing really. If the Southern election had happened earlier this year or last year things could have been so different. Sinn Fein would still have been cock of the North and the coming power in the South. Now it looks ominously different for them.